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Wednesday, December 22, 2010

Every time you use the word ‘illegal,’ Jan Brewer wins

By: Suphatra Laviolette

“Sticks and stones can break my bones, but words can get me deported…”


That’s how that rhyme goes, right?

Words are playing a major role in America’s immigration debate. The “I” word – I mean the word “illegal” – has framed the conversation on what to do with the thousands of people that come to America every year without appropriate documentation. Their lives hang in the balance as America debates what to do about them. While some states clearly disapprove of the undocumented – such as Arizona with its SB 1070 law allowing local and state police to act as federal agents and question folks about their immigration status – some cities, like Los Angeles, are boycotting Arizona on the grounds that SB 1070 encourages racial profiling.

PHOTO: Jan Brewer is governor of Arizona, the state with the toughest immigration policy in America.

Whichever way you lean, one thing is clear: there is an overriding tone to this conversation, and the word “illegal” sums it up. That word labels a myriad of complex situations and puts them into one box, one context, one verdict: Illegal.

How can we have an honest conversation seeking a sensible and just resolution if we’ve so nicknamed our defendants Mr. Guilty and Ms. Wrong right off the bat? If you really want to see immigration reformed, let’s at least frame our discussion without the verbal mousetraps.

So I ask you, consider the “I” word. Consider dropping it.

http://colorlines.com/droptheiword/

Employed But Struggling: 1 in 3 Working Families Near Poverty


Michelle Feliz, a single mother living in Boston, can't afford day care for her one-year-old son. She can't afford new clothes for her teenage daughter. Late last year, she applied for food stamps.

Unlike many Americans increasingly seeking public assistance, Feliz, 35, is employed. Yet what she earns in her job as a secretary does not cover even her most basic needs, leaving her scrambling to keep food on her table.

In the aftermath of the worst economic downturn since the Depression, much attention has been focused on the 15 million people who are officially out of work, yet even among those who have jobs, livelihoods and living standards have been substantially downgraded. Growing numbers of employed people live in near poverty, struggling to make ends meet.

Almost a third of America's working families are now considered low-income, earning less than twice the official poverty threshold, according to a report released Tuesday by the Working Poor Families Project. The recession, which has incited layoffs and wage cuts, reversed a period of improvement: Between 2007 and 2009, as the recession set in, the percentage of U.S. working families classified as low-income grew from 28 percent to more than 30 percent.

Workers who once focused on career advancement now live paycheck to paycheck. The American middle class, in effect, is eroding.

"They're no longer working actively, with a chance to advance and gain more experience and skills," said Brandon Roberts, manager of the Working Poor Families Project and a co-author of the report. "They're just putting pieces together to stay afloat, to meet basic needs."

Last year, 45 million people, including 22 million children, lived in low-income households, according to the report. As breadwinners lost jobs or suffered pay cuts, the report notes, the number of low-income families grew to 10 million last year, an increase of almost a quarter-million from 2008. The problem is worse among minorities: 43 percent of America's working families with a minority parent are low-income, the report finds, compared to 22 percent of white working families.

Feliz, who is Latina, has a job. But she's barely scraping by.

"I had to take this job because it was the only thing I could find," Feliz said. "I was making more money than I'm making now."

Once an officer manager at Oficina Hispana, an English language education program, Feliz was laid off in 2007 when her employer didn't get a crucial grant. She collected unemployment insurance for half a year, she said. The week before the benefits expired, she got her current job as a secretary at the University of Massachusetts Boston.

Her annual salary dropped from $42,000 to $37,000. And her dream of opening a shelter for female victims of domestic violence was deferred.

"Career-wise, that set me back a lot," she said.

She now struggles just to put food on the table. She applied for food stamps in November of last year, she said, but was denied because her salary was just above the cutoff. So she began clipping coupons. When her son came down with a bad fever recently, she feared she would have to make a difficult choice: stay home and risk losing her job, or take him to prohibitively expensive day care. Fortunately, her parents, who also live in Boston, were able to look after him.

"I'm afraid to stay home," Feliz said. "If I take too many days off, I could lose my job."

Feliz, who has an associate's degree from Roxbury Community College, is taking classes in human services and management at UMass Boston, and her employer agreed to help foot the bill. She hasn't given up on her dream, but her focus right now is on preserving her income.

"I'm doing at least three people's jobs," she said. "It's hard."

Her son's father, who pays child support, is similarly struggling to keep two part-time jobs, Feliz said.

The crisis extends beyond the struggling breadwinners. Children in low-income families suffer from diminished educational opportunities and compromised health care, according to the new report. Nationwide, 35 percent of children in working families are living in low-income households, the report finds, and childhood poverty tends to persist into adulthood.

"That has serious implications for children, not only today, but as they look to the future," Roberts said. "The odds are being stacked against them."

Living in a low-income family can take a psychological as well as financial toll. Feliz has striven to raise her children's spirits, pushing her daughter to do well in school.

"I want her to be able to get a good job," she said, "to have things I'm not able to give her."

This article was written by William Alden and appeared on the Huffington Post. All Rights Reserved to Huffington Post.

Monday, December 13, 2010

A dream come true?

The timidity of elected officials in taking a position on immigration reform has incensed voters of every stripe. But in Illinois the perennially popular Jim Edgar, who was governor of the state from 1991 to 1999, has not shied from supporting in the DREAM Act.

Edgar, a Republican, may not have the bully pulpit he used to but his name still carries weight. Now a distinguished fellow at the University of Illinois' Institute of Government and Public Affairs, here’s what he wrote in the Chicago Tribune about legal residency and 2 million of the young people who could be affected by immigration reform:

A rational approach to comprehensive immigration reform should begin with the young people who were brought here as babies, toddlers and adolescents.

Many have worked hard in school. Some want to serve in our military. All are undocumented. They live every day in fear of being caught, uprooted and sent to a country some have never known as their home.

A nation as kind as ours should not turn its back on them. Congress needs to support the sensible, humane approach embodied in legislation known as the Dream Act.

The measure charts a rigorous path that undocumented youths must negotiate to gain legal status and qualify for citizenship, and supporting it would be both good government and good politics.

Democrats want to keep faith with those who have strongly backed them in recent elections. Republicans need to make substantial inroads with Latinos and other minorities to remain competitive in many states like Illinois. Among those who grasp the merits and the politics is Sen. Richard Lugar, R-Ind., one of the most respected figures on the national scene and a co-sponsor of the legislation.

The proposal would require prospective beneficiaries to have been younger than 16 when they arrived and to have lived here for at least five years. They would need to have a high school diploma or GED or to have been accepted into a higher education institution. They must also have good moral character.

This is no amnesty bill.

A qualifying immigrant would receive a six-year conditional resident status. After that period, the immigrant could obtain a green card, government authorization to permanently live and work in the United States, if he or she has completed two years of college or two years of honorable service in the U.S. Armed Forces and maintained a clean record. Only after acquiring a green card could an individual apply for citizenship.

Some supporters of liberalizing immigration laws contend the Dream Act is too demanding. But we are a nation of laws as well as immigrants. Americans have a right to expect anyone who wants legal status in this country to earn it and display respect for our laws. Most, if not all, Americans agree our national immigration policy is a mess. It is the result of failed leadership and both political parties share the blame. They have punted this issue down the road for someone else to solve.

The Migration Policy Institute estimates about 2.1 million young immigrants could be impacted by the Dream legislation — a relatively small but important part of the undocumented population.

Enactment of the measure would constitute just one step but a significant and responsible one.

America has been a beacon of hope for vulnerable people throughout the world. Today, we should offer hope to young people already living here who want to be good citizens and serve in our military.

Thursday, December 9, 2010

Refuge

His mother abandoned him at birth.

His father was murdered when he was five years old.

His grandparents beat him with electric cables and made him sleep on the curb in front of their house. He speaks an Indian language only known in the highlands of southern Mexico, and only has the most rudimentary Spanish.

When he was fourteen, an aunt sent for him. It took him five days to cross the Arizona desert.

He moved in with his aunt, and went to work washing dishes in a Chinese restaurant in a Midwestern city. He did this for three years, six days a week, ten hours a day.

No one spoke Spanish in the restaurant and no one spoke English.

The system finally caught up with him, and today, he was sitting in an immigration processing center waiting room, hoping that the same system would find a place amongst the many rules and regulations and offer him safety.

I had been visiting with him once a week during the past couple of months at a detention facility, and it seemed like a good idea to be with him when he appeared before the authorities.

The young man was sitting across from me, between his attorney and the guard from the detention facility. We all chat for a while, but he soon runs out of Spanish vocabulary and lapses into silence. I worry that he is going to have a hard time in life, if he can’t even speak Spanish.

But a Chinese family comes into the waiting room, and they begin an animated conversation. The young man, seemingly trapped by a lack of language into a life of loneliness, sits up and smiles. The attorney looks at him and says, “Entiendes el chino, verdad?” and he says, Yeah, I understand some of it. And he smiles, not as nervous now, not so alone.


This post was written by Michael Seifert from his blog, Musings From Alongside the Border.

Wednesday, December 8, 2010

Who’s unemployed and who votes – note the connection

You can’t help noticing that tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans are commanding far more political attention than the continued dirge of miserable employment figures, despite the fact that 2 million people recently faced being cut from unemployment assistance. Ezra Klein of the Washington Post offers one reason for this disconnect.

He paired the unemployment of high school and college graduates with their voting rates in the most recent election and found this:


In short: People with a high school diploma or less are struggling with massive rates of unemployment, but they don't turn out to vote in nearly the numbers as those with a college education. On the flip-side, though a quarter of Americans have college diplomas, they made up 51 percent of the electorate in 2010. And in that group, the unemployment rate is only about 5 percent. So if you believe that politicians actually answer to those who vote, their current obsessions may make a little more sense.

Wednesday, November 24, 2010

A Tree Grows in Santa Ana

Just when you thought no one cared about the voices of children, seniors or low-income families, California's parks department offers a glimmer of hope.

The state agency has awarded Latino Health Access -- which organized hundreds of residents to lobby city officials for more some green space -- a grant of $3.5 million to build the only park and community center in the 92701 zip code of Santa Ana.

Until now, kids in Santa Ana have often made make-shift playgrounds around back-alley Dumpsters.

The park and community center represent the collective action of public agencies and engaged residents to open safe, green spaces in Santa Ana, said Ana Carrichi, policy director for the organization.

State bureaucrats said they found the participation of children an "especially heartwarming" aspect of the Latino Health Access pitch for more green space.

Ruth Colement, director of California State Parks said her agency received 475 pitches from community groups vying for 62 grants. The outpouring, she added, "clearly shows the extent of recreation needs throughout California."

Tuesday, November 16, 2010

Can You Fix It? The U.S. Budget, That Is.


If you could close the government's budget gaps, how would you do it?

For once, you can actually try. The New York Times has created an interactive tool that lets you choose what you would like to chop off the American budget. Your choices would help save the American people from projected shortfalls of $418 billion (in 2015) and $1,345 billion (in 2030). All you have to do is choose what to cut. Will you decrease war troops? Increase the age for social security? Tax millionaires? Tax carbon? Just check the box next to the initiative and watch the New York Times’ graph fulfill the budget gaps.

Sounds easy, right?

Link to budget puzzle:

http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2010/11/13/weekinreview/deficits-graphic.html?hp

Monday, October 25, 2010

"The impossible will take a little while"

"The difficult I'll do right now..
The impossible will take a little while. . ."

from Crazy He Calls Me,
by Carl Sigman and Bob Russell

Candidates' Forum, McAllen
We began on a hot day in May, talking and planning an area-wide effort to get out the vote. The goals were clear; the task daunting. We would choose ten precincts in the area which had high-voter registration, but low voter turnout. And they would be places where poor families lived. In the last midterm elections (2006), only 17.5 per cent of registered voters participated in the election: half of what happened in the rest of the state.

"We" were the Rio Grande Valley Equal Voice Network, a group of community-based organizations located in this corner of the US/Mexico border.

Over the years, I have heard no end of reasons for the low turnout here along the border, everything from ”poor people don’t vote; they aren’t stupid, you know” to “people from Mexico don’t trust the voting process, because it was so corrupt over there.”

I have also heard, over and again, that the Rio Grande Valley is a sleeping giant, and, that if it ever woke up, Texas’ state politics would be turned on its head.

Impossible, that.

Our goals
So we began with the difficult: finding volunteers to go door to door, not once or twice, but three times or more. And other volunteers to make phone calls. And yet others to track down those who could vote and those who would vote, to creating reams of paper so that we could track folks over time. This was not a one time project. We decided, as a group, as the Equal Voice Network, to adopt these ten precincts for a long time.

And increase turnout, in this election, by at least 10 per cent.

Which, in May, when we began this project, seemed like a lot. It would be harder than ever to find reasons for people to vote--the 2008 elections had a huge turn out from the Latino community. People were voting for hope, then, and there was tremendous energy.

But by October of 2010, the Obama administration had deported nearly 500,000 people. While some claimed that these were “criminal aliens”, it turns out that they are mostly not.

In any case, each deported person is someone’s brother or cousin or uncle.

There was “increased security at the border” but there was no immigration reform. “Immigration reform” was the very first request of the 25,000 families in our network.

So, we began with the difficult. And we preached the importance of standing up and being counted. Of speaking, so as to be heard. “Mi voto es mi voz.” And of knocking on doors, and knocking on more doors.

Early voting began on this past Monday. By Wednesday, papers statewide were reporting an astonishment--voting in the Valley was up over 200%. Two hundred per cent more people were voting this year.

We were stunned, we were excited, but mostly we kept on working. There is still another couple of weeks to go.

Perhaps this turnout is driven by some heated local races; perhaps it is up because of angry voters. I of course like to think that it is up because people were responding to someone asking them to give a damn, and to vote.
In the meantime, the large old grandfather clock in charge of marking out history tick-tocks once more towards the moment when the impossible becomes real, something that should happen in just a little while.

This post was written by Michael Seifert from his blog, Musings From Alongside the Border.

Tuesday, October 19, 2010

Equal Voice in the Valley

Saturday dawned with a glorious cool, crisp bit of weather that is rare in these tropical parts. Across the Valley, men and women who normally spend their precious Saturday mornings at the market, or repairing the house, or setting straight the things that got of order during the work week, head out the door with a bounce in their step and purpose in their eyes.

It is the “Equal Voice Campaign’s Get Out the Vote” Saturday in the Rio Grande Valley. A thousand strong, at least (I have lost count, for the moment) slip on bright, gold tee-shirts that proclaim “Your Vote is Your Voice”, and head out the door to do some civic engagement.

In Brownsville, the voting promoters gather at a local community center, pick up packets with addresses for door to be knocked on, and head off into the streets. There are smiles all around; the get out the vote campaign in this neighborhood has always been a great success. Those who promote the vote are received with anticipation. In fact the challenge here is to be able to get around to all of the houses on your list--each person that you run into wants to talk politics. There is no voter apathy in this community.

In San Benito, the Get Out the Voters invade the local, and popular, community days celebration, passing out voting commitment cards and encouraging attendance at the candidates’ forum for later on the morning. I worry that people would be more interested in the antique car show or the karate demonstrations, but they fill a small auditorium to listen to the candidates for local offices make their pitches.

Ron Rogers, one of the local activists, tells me that he thinks that with this effort, “We might really be able to control some of the decisions made in this town. Wouldn’t that be something,” he says, “Working families dictating policy.”

In McAllen, some three hundred people pack a meeting room where forty politicians have lined up to learn what the community expects from them. The politicians are not allowed to preach, they are given thirty seconds to respond to questions that the community of poor families have come up with . “What will you do to better school bus service to our rural communities?” “How do you plan to keep school yards open after hours, so kids have a place to play?” If the politician goes on for too long, she is given a small American flag. This seems to be as effective on the politicians as blowing a police whistle.

There is water, but no coffee. This is serious business. But there is a bounce in everyone’s step—this, I think, is a kind of happiness. A precious kind of joy.

Back in Brownsville, I put on my gold-colored shirt and visit the sixty homes on my list. The first man I encounter is delusional and goes on at length about a vision of Jesus that he had when he was six. As he finishes up the detailed description of what Jesus was wearing, he looks at me over his sunglasses, takes the sample ballot, and says, “And that is why I vote!”

I put a check next to "yes, I will vote" on my scorecard. He has made a connection between religion and politics that I think that I will leave alone.

The last person on my list turns out to be Lupita, the overall coordinator for getting out the vote in this community.

She is in the driver’s seat of her battered suburban, battling to get the car out of “Park.”

I wish I could help, but I am useless in these matters.

She told me that she had just dragged her sister’s car, parked on the street with the Suburban (the car stalled some place and won’t start). She had parked the Suburban right up behind the one functioning vehicle that remains, so things are an an impasse. Her family has places to go and things to do, but no one is going anywhere soon.

I am thinking that this is a great image for most of the working families here in our Valley along the border. People live surrounded and trapped by things that don’t work the way they should, be it a school system or a job, or a political system that is quickly forgetting what it means to work for the common good.

An unhappy person would give up. Or turn to violence.

I ask Lupita if she plans to vote in this election. She just laughs, a twinkle in her eye. I check the “yes” box next to her name, as she continues to jerk the gear shift back and forth.

As I walk down the driveway and back out onto the street, I am bouncing a little on my feet. I am enjoying the cool breeze, and savoring happiness.

This post was written by Michael Seifert from his blog, Musings From Alongside the Border.

Thursday, October 7, 2010

Alejandra's Home

Alejandra is proud of her home. It is not a house, but a travel trailer, parked in a small space at the back of her mother-in-law's house. We can reach the front door today because it hasn't rained in a while.

Her husband had paid $1,500 or so for the trailer, buying it from a friend who had lived in it for ten years, who had bought it from a couple from Minnesota who, twenty years ago, had used it while traveling through Mexico.

So it is not a house, but it is their home.

"Before," she said, "We would rent a small room from different people. But now we have a home."

Alejandra gave me a tour--a small breakfast nook; a small cooking area, a very small bedroom, and a small, small, small bathroom with a smaller shower stall. There is no hot water, as the boiler burnt out some time ago.

No air conditioning either, which I noticed as soon as I entered. The word "sauna" came to mind at first, but then I remembered that in a sauna you are not wearing clothing, you go there by choice and you can leave whenever you want.

Alejandra closed the door.

Sweat streaming down my face, I told her that I had just lost ten pounds. She laughed and said, "Our trailer is a double-use--a home and a fitness center!"

The screens were intact on the small windows, mercifully keeping out the mosquitoes and flies. Her one year old son was napping in the bed. In the evenings, Alejandra explained, they made a small bed on the floor for him. "We have to be very careful if we get up in the middle of the night not to step on him," she commented.

I carefully backed into the kitchen/dinette/living room. I sat at the small table while she poured me a glass of water, which she then sat upon a napkin.

She filled up a glass for herself, and then sat down opposite me. A drop of sweat fell from the tip of her nose. Alejandra sighed, and noted, "We are so blessed."

Then she took a measured, small sip from her glass of water, and smiled again.

The details of my visit were misleading. I had found an obviously poor woman living in a hot, leaky trailer—and she seemed happy about this. “A simple soul,” the uncomplicated part of my brain deduced.

But then we continued to talk and I learned that while this was definitely her home, and while it was a step up from a rental room, it was just that—one more step.

Alejandra had larger things in mind, which involved a decent home for her boy to grow up in and in which her family would create their living space. What struck me most about our conversation, though, was how she continually included the wider community in her dreams. How she would refer, over and again, about how nice it will be when “all of us have decent places to live.”

Her present home was indeed small. Her dreams—not so much.

This post was written by Michael Seifert from his blog, Musings From Alongside the Border.

Wednesday, October 6, 2010

The Poor are Much Poorer than You Think

If there is one thing we can agree on, from regular folks to think-tank economists, it’s that more and more people are falling into poverty. What most of us don’t realize is just how poor they really are.

A new study puts it bluntly: In 2005, the richest quintile of Americans owned about 84 percent of the nation’s wealth. The poorest two quintiles put together owned less than 1 percent– an amount so small as to make them literally invisible on a diagram charting this inequity:




The actual United States wealth distribution plotted against the estimated and ideal distribution across all respondents
. Because of their small percentage share of total wealth, both the 4th and 5th quintile of earners are not visible in the "Actual" diagram.

You can draw your own conclusions about the ways the recession has affected these numbers. Here’s the back-story: In 2005, Michael Norton, of Harvard Business School, and Dan Ariely, of Duke University, polled 5,522 people – a nationally representative sample of women and men from 47 states, some rich, others middle class or poor; some leaning Republican, others voting Democratic – and asked them a series of questions about wealth in the United States. The result? None of them, not even the poorest, had any idea about the degree of inequity that is our status quo.

For example, the respondents estimated that the middle class owned about 10 percent of American wealth, though actually it’s just 3 percent.

“Americans appear to drastically underestimate the current level of wealth inequality,” the authors wrote in, “suggesting they may simply be unaware of the gap.”

Perhaps more surprising, very few of us – including the richest – believe that things should be this way. When group members sketched their notion of an ideal wealth distribution, they suggested that the top quintile own just 32 percent of the nation’s overall wealth, a division more closely mirroring Sweden. Yet all groups, even the very poorest, also desired some inequality.

The takeaway? We may fight tooth and nail about immigration and taxation but when it comes to a vision of the country we all want to live in, certain truths prevail. As the authors wrote: "Americans’ consensus about the ideal distribution of wealth within the United States appears to dwarf their disagreements across gender, political orientation and income.”

Monday, September 20, 2010

The Dream Act

Some background:

This Tuesday, a marvelous piece of humanitarian relief for children will be considered by the United States Senate. This relief is not intended for the children of the Sudan, nor for the children of the flooded plains of Pakistan nor those children living on the streets of Port au Prince in Haiti. Ojalá que fuera así, but perhaps in another moment.

This particular legislative action, however, is no small thing. It is an offer of relief for over a million children, young people who live in our own communities here in the United States. Many of them attend our neighborhood schools and local colleges, and worship alongside us on Sundays.

The wrong that this act addresses and seeks to fix is the nightmarish situation of children who, over the past two decades, were brought to the US by their parents. The parents over stayed the time granted them by their visas or perhaps entered the country without being documented properly. The children--who had no say in the decision of their parents to immigrate--now live in the United States illegally.

One child is "legal" the other child is "illegal."

I use the term "illegally" intentionally, for although there is no moral or ethical reason for blaming the children for their immigration status, the loudmouths and knuckleheads who populate our nation's airwaves are busy demonizing them. In these peoples' minds, these children are somehow "criminals" who "should not be awarded for their crimes." As if there was malevolence in these children's hearts. As if they were even capable of such "illegality" at the time that a mom or a dad packed them up and took them to the United States.

The children, especially as they become young men and women, however, know what it is to live as if one were "illegal." To worry, constantly, that they might be picked up by the Border Patrol and sent to a country about which they have only studied. To know that however hard you might work at your studies, that it might all be in vain. To live with the crushing anxiety of being "neither here nor there." And to have to keep that a secret.

For a decade now, national congressional leaders have proposed to right this wrong, to extend to these young people a hope and a homeland. The appropriately named "Dream Act" was sponsored by Senator McCain and has had the support of a plethora of both Democrats and Republicans. It has failed in the past because it was made a part of the larger immigration reform efforts. This time around, however, the Dream Act is being attached to the Defense Department's budget.

I ask you to join my prayer that this time the Senate gets it right and votes to add the Dream Act to our nation's legacy, thus creating a pathway to legal residence for those young people who are our modern men and women "without a country."

Four sets of dreams; two of them to be deferred, unless the Dream Act is passed.

There are some conditions to the bill, namely, that the young people be of good character and either enroll in college or enlist in the military (thus the Defense Department's interest).

On Tuesday, the Senate is taking a vote on whether to add the Dream Act to this bill, which would create a pathway to legal residence for those children who were brought to the USA by their parents. Should that happen, in my community alone, 10,000 children and their families will break out dancing and singing. With that vote, these young people will be recognized for what they know they are--members of our communities.

They have all grown up here. They have all been educated here. Every school day morning they have stood before the American flag and made the pledge of allegiance. They read and write and speak English; they dream dreams of what they will do when they grow up. But until the Dream Act passes, they remain in hiding, hostages to the decisions that someone else made some time ago.

Should the Dream Act pass, the lovely Claudia, a student who finished college with straight A's and simply wants to teach grade school could apply for a job as a teacher. Our schools need Claudia in the worst way.

Should the Dream Act pass, Eric, an extraordinary young man with a burning desire to study medicine would in fact be able to continue his studies. Eric tells me that he would simply like to be a family practice physician. "I like to help people," he says, "that's all I ask, is to be able to help people."

This post was written by Michael Seifert from his blog, Musings From Alongside the Border.

Friday, September 17, 2010

From Homeless to Dishwasher: Rebirth Through Finding a New Job

While sitting in the café lobby of a brand new tech building in North San Jose, I signed my name on the last piece of paper of an employee packet for my new job as a dishwasher at a national catering company. It felt good to be able to shake the bosses hand after I filled out the forms, or even have a boss to shake hands once again. I feel reborn.

Since March of 2009 I have been lead on a wild goose chase for the perfect full-time job. I have traveled across the state, even went outside of the state pursuing odd jobs of varying tasks -- I’ve worked in event set-up, was a security guard, and even a traveling soap salesman. After a year, I was still lost and confused, and ultimately frustrated with the economy, employers and myself.

It wasn’t easy getting this job. I had been staying on the streets, had to get cleaned up at a public restroom downtown, and had to travel three hours using my last five dollars, just hoping to land it. But I got it.

After leaving the building of my future livelihood, on the light-rail back to San Jose from Milpitas, I couldn’t help but to look back and take a glance in disbelief. I finally got another opportunity to have full-time employment, and even have medical and dental benefits, something very few people my age (at 23-years-old) have through their work. Having a job means I can really live again. When I say live, I mean actually live a decent life of renting my own pad again, buy some new clothes, pay for a decent meal, and finally being able to enjoy things without having to be dependent or having to wait on someone to help me with a handout.

What the high unemployment statistics don’t show, is the direct hit mentally, even nervous breakdowns, that not having a job can have on a person. Unemployment can steal all of the faith you had, right from inside of you.

After a few days into the new job I also made a new friend at work. We got along, and he was nice enough too even let me stay at his house with his family. While staying there, I noticed a jump in lifestyles. What I have thought of privileges for the past few years, is pretty much normal day to day life for others. I was so used to sleeping on the street, that even in the apartment I slept with all my clothes and shoes on. It took a while to know that I can actually fully sleep, and not have to worry if anyone was trying to harm me or take any of my belongings, that I could really just rest. Unemployment becomes psychological because it forces you to create a completely different lifestyle of what you once had, and you can get used to that lifestyle.

I noticed what I had gotten used to as someone without income when I got my first check. We went shopping and I felt I had splurged a little bit on myself – buying some new clothes. It had been so long, I didn’t know any of my sizes, and was scared to put them on, because I didn’t want to get them dirty. I was terrified of putting it on because I wasn’t sure of how long it would be until I would receive some new clothes. It was a habit from the streets, so it took a while for it to sink in that I was working full-time, making decent money and I could buy some more clothes and afford to wash them.

I’ve been working at my new job for a few months now and am getting used to the stable living. The work may be tedious manual labor, but every two weeks I look at my paycheck and smile. After a hard day’s work I get to go home to take a shower, watch tv, or just chill.

With this new job, I feel as though this is the start of a new foundation for my life with a grand opening. It’s like watching a building being built. My foundation has been built on an empty lot with bad piping and bad soil, with sewer water running everywhere. But with every new layer of foundation laid-down comes a purification from the new piping and new soil.

My first level of my construction has already started with my housing situation becoming stabilized and starting a bank account. Even though I have only 25 bones in my checking account, it sure feels good to have 25 bucks than nothing at all.

I still have friends that are still lost in the mix of unemployment, doubting their own capabilities of getting back into the workforce, school, or society for that matter. The feeling of rejection can haunt anyone, and scare them away from an opportunity that could be theirs if they reach out for it. Those feelings really just interfere with the greatness that we all know deep down inside that we can accomplish.

Written by Alex Gutierrez, a writer for Silicon Valley De-Bug.

Thursday, September 2, 2010

Lack of immigration reform may hurt voter turnout

SAN JUAN, Aug. 19 - The failure of the Obama administration to pass comprehensive immigration reform will hinder the Get Out the Vote effort being mounted by Equal Voice for America’s Families, its leaders acknowledge.

“There is disillusionment and it is certainly going to make our job harder,” said Ramona Casas a community organizer with Project ARISE in Alamo.

Project ARISE one of the ten non-profit groups under the Equal Voice umbrella.

“We had a lot of dreams and a lot of hopes in 2008 but we do not see any results,” Casas said. “President Obama promised us immigration reform. It has not happened and we know our community is suffering. We are waiting for reform.”

Casas made her comments in an exclusive interview with the Guardian at an Equal Voice news conference about the GOTV campaign at the START Center in San Benito last Thursday.

Today, Equal Voice hosted a GOTV training session attended by many ARISE members at the headquarters of La Unión del Pueblo Entero in San Juan.

Equal Voice is targeting ten precincts across the Rio Grande Valley that have a high number of immigrants, five in Cameron County and five in Hidalgo County. The aim is to get the percentage turnout increased by at least ten percent.

“We cannot give up, just because immigration reform has not passed. We have to motivate the community. The November elections are important and we can make a difference,” Casas added.

In 2008, 69 percent of voters in Hidalgo and Willacy counties voted for President Obama. In Cameron County the percentage was 64 percent and in Starr County it was 84 percent. On the campaign trail, Obama promised comprehensive immigration reform.

Martha Sanchez, a LUPE community organizer from Alton, said a more important voting figure to look at is the turnout in Hidalgo County in November 2006, the last time mid-term elections were held.

Lupita Sanchez, coordinator for community programs for
Proyecto Juan Diego in Brownsville.

(Photo: RGG/Steve Taylor)

“Only 13 percent, 13 out of every 100 voters went to the polls in 2006. That’s very low,” Sanchez said. “That is why we do not exist as far as the rest of Texas is concerned.”

Sanchez acknowledged that LUPE members are disappointed comprehensive immigration reform has not been passed by Congress. However, she pointed out that this November voters are not voting for a president, they are voting, among other things, for a governor.

“Our message has to be, somebody is still going to win, so we might as well get involved and have our say,” Sanchez said.

“Besides, if our members need any motivation at all they need only look at what has happened in Arizona. None of us realized how much power a governor had until we saw what happened in Arizona. Our message will be, do you want an SB 1070 passed in Texas? We know our governor has the power to sign a bill like that. Our life can be more miserable if we don’t watch out,” Sanchez said.

Lupita Sanchez, coordinator for community programs for Proyecto Juan Diego in Brownsville, said if anyone doubts what can be achieved by immigrant communities that get civically engaged they need only visit Cameron Park, the largest colonia in the United States.

“Come to Cameron Park and see the changes that have happened in the last ten years. You will see paving, street lights, a park, a walking trail. That only happened because the community made its voice heard,” Lupita Sanchez said.

“We go along to commissioners court and we demand that our needs are met. Going to the meetings makes a difference.”

Lupita Sanchez confirmed that residents in her community are upset that immigration reform and the DREAM Act have not been passed by Congress. However, she said that is no reason not to vote.

“We have to tell the community, do not lose hope. We can make a difference. Keep being civically engaged, keep reminding the candidates what was promised,” she said.

Lupita Sanchez said Proyecto Juan Diego has a definite strategy for its GOTV effort this year.

“We want to stress the importance of family participation. Parents have to tell the kids about the importance of voting. They have to leave a legacy,” she said.

Jose Medrano of the START Center said he is not sure if the failure of Congress and the Obama administration to enact immigration reform will hurt Equal Voice’s GOTV effort.

“It is another challenge. There will be the voter who says, I voted previously and nothing has happened yet,” Medrano said. “But, our voice needs to continue to be heard. We need to pound the pavement because the louder our voice, the more opportunity there will be to get the results we are looking for.”

Medrano said Equal Voice wants to target the younger, newly registered voters, to ensure they start a tradition of voting. “We want them to have a voice in what they need and the needs of their children in the future,” he said.

Medrano said Equal Voice will soon be hosting a community forum in both Cameron and Hidalgo counties. How to motivate voters in each of the ten targeted precincts will be up to the local leaders, he said.

“In San Benito we will have a carnival event, where voters can meet the candidates. Individual precincts will hold their own block parties,” Medrano said.


Copyright 2010 Rio Grande Guardian

Wednesday, September 1, 2010

Resistance: The Murdering of Immigrants


In the early morning light I pick up Barry Lopez’s novel “Resistance”, and turn to a new chapter. The first line reads “I watched my best efforts turn to coal.” That is as far as I get, for the news this week is overwhelming, and the violence close at hand.


On this morning it does indeed seem that some of the best efforts in our world are turning to coal, the bright colors that mark life and goodness fading to dark grey and black under the continual onslaught of a violence inspired by diabolical greed.

Seventy-two Central and South American immigrants were found massacred in San Fernando, a small ranching town just a couple of hours drive from my Brownsville home.

According to the lone survivor, they were murdered by the Zetas, a group of criminals that feeds America’s drug habit, profits richly in human trafficking, and works tirelessly to organize evildoing in northeast Mexico.

Laurie Freeman reports in “State of Siege” that the founding members of the Zetas were originally part of a Mexican special forces group, some of whom trained at Fort Benning and Fort Bragg. They were to be the stars in the fight against drug trafficking in Mexico. The Mexican Gulf drug cartel, though, soon bought off these well-trained soldiers. In time, the Zetas, having already betrayed their nation, turned on their new sponsors and re-organized themselves into their own mafia. The Zetas celebrate the terror that they breed, launching hand grenades in quiet city plazas and setting off car bombs to announce their presence. They also routinely kidnap, torture, and kill Central American immigrants who cross their territory as they head north.

Several hundred miles to the south, however, men and women continue to make the decision to migrate north. There is no work, and there is no way to feed the family. Today the newpapers reported a conversation with a man getting ready to cross into the Arizona desert. “I know that I am risking death; but in my home village, I am already living in a coffin. At least there is hope for something in the north.”

The migrants know of the kidnappings and torture that await them. Women reportedly begin birth control months before they leave, knowing of the near inevitability of rape. Desperation inspires in the men an unknown courage. I imagine that they must taste the ashes of their hope even as they take their first steps north.

The hopes of the seventy-two men and women who were killed in San Fernando have turned to coal. The killers did not bother to bury them; their faces were not even covered.

Because I remain a believer, I am anguished as I wonder, “Where is the light in this?”

I read other reports and discover that the migrants were killed, according to this witness, because they refused to join the Zetas and work for them as assassins.

“Kill or be killed,” they must have been told. And under a blazing August sun, so many miles from their loved ones, with their lives in their hands, literally, one by one they refuse this sordid offer of hope.

These men and women, powerless in every sense of the word, resisted.

They resisted even that most basic form of greed, the desire to live. They resisted despite the horrible clarity of the consequences of that resistance.

They said no, surely with quaking knees, and anguish in their souls.

They resisted.

I refuse to draw a lesson from this; I just note that only a few hours south of my home, just this past week, seventy –two people stood strong.

That is something to consider.

"They stripped away our fruit, they cut our branches,
they burned our trunk, but they could not kill our roots."


Post written by Michael Seifert

From the blog Musings from Alongside a Border: Reflections from the northern bank of the Rio Grande River, Brownsville, Texas

Thursday, August 26, 2010

A Primer on Activism from Unitarian Universalists

By Kim Bobo | Interfaith Worker Justice

Arizona is ground zero for the struggle over immigration: when the Arizona legislature passed SB 1070 and the law was scheduled to go into effect on July 29, groups in Arizona began organizing and inviting allies from around the nation to join them. Despite the last-minute injunction halting the worst aspects of the bill, planned protests and prayer vigils across the country proceeded, and many resulted in significant media attention.

The religious community was engaged and integral to most of the local organizing, but the leadership didn’t come from denominational structures. Rather, it came largely from immigrant rights and worker justice groups, which invited religious leaders to participate. Although most faith bodies and denominations have very strong statements on immigration reform, those same denominations did not activate people. With one glaring exception—the Unitarian Universalist Association (UUA).

Of the several hundred religious leaders who showed up, only the Unitarian Universalist Association seriously committed staff, money, and organizing talent to the struggle.

Standing on the Side of Love

Let’s look at what the UUA did and analyze what lessons others in the faith community, particularly in judicatory leadership, might learn from the UUA’s example.

Susan Leslie, the UUA’s Director for Congregational Advocacy & Witness, provides this useful context:
Supporting human rights for all people, including immigrants, is a core Unitarian Universalist value. At our first General Assembly in 1961, we passed a resolution on the rights of immigrant workers, followed by a 1963 resolution calling for immigration reform. Throughout the 1970s we supported immigrant farm worker campaigns, and in the 1980s many Unitarian Universalist congregations were actively involved in the Sanctuary Movement. Three General Assemblies of the UUA endorsed sanctuary for refugees and the UUA Board of Trustees established a fund to support individuals seeking sanctuary and to aid churches providing sanctuary.

Our 2004 Statement on Civil Liberties affirmed our commitment to advocate for the right to due process of immigrants, refugees, and foreign nationals. In 2006 and 2007, the General Assembly passed Actions of Immediate Witness to support immigrant communities, including a call for an immediate moratorium on federal raids and resulting deportations. In 2007, the UUA became the first denomination to join the New Sanctuary Movement, supporting the leadership of its UU Church of Long Beach, California, which was an early sanctuary congregation. At our most recent GA we passed an Action of Immediate Witness condemning SB 1070 and calling for action to stop copycat legislation in others states and to work for humane federal immigration reform.


Clearly, the UUA was grounded in strong policy. But frankly, almost all the major faith bodies have strong policy positions on immigration reform and economic justice.

From 2007 to 2010, the national Advocacy and Witness staff of the UUA compiled a database of more than 300 UU congregations engaged in education, advocacy and organizing around immigrant issues, created educational resources, and posted both educational and advocacy resources on the UUA website.

In 2009, the UUA launched its Standing on the Side of Love campaign, in direct response to the 2008 shooting at the Tennessee Valley Unitarian Church in Knoxville. The congregation had been targeted for its openness to gays and lesbians. Activists soon realized that the message “standing on the side of love” applied to a wide variety of justice and human rights struggles, including immigrant rights.

Also in 2009, the UUA’s new president, Rev. Peter Morales, made immigration reform a top UUA public witness priority. At the denomination’s January 2010 Board of Trustees meeting, he and UUA moderator (and Chair of the Board) Gini Courter arranged for trustees to meet with undocumented immigrants, community organizers and immigration experts, thus laying the groundwork for full leadership support for immigration reform advocacy.

When SB 1070 was passed and the Boycott Arizona campaign began, the UUA Board of Trustees put a business resolution on the GA agenda to relocate its 2012 Phoenix meeting. Through consultation with the organizations Puente and the National Day Laborer Organizing Network (NDLON), the UUA decided to keep the event in Phoenix, but focus it intentionally on immigration justice. Soon thereafter, immigrant rights leaders in Phoenix invited the UUA to join them for the July 29 Day of Non-Compliance in Arizona.

The UUA has four congregations in Phoenix that have been leaders on immigration reform. These congregations and their pastoral and lay leaders played important roles in figuring out the on-the-ground activities and coordinating the big July 29 events. Rev. Susan Frederick-Gray, minister of the UU Congregation of Phoenix, sent an e-mail invitation to 30,000 people on the Standing on the Side of Love list asking them to join her in Phoenix. Rev. Paul Langston-Daley, minister at the West Valley UU Church in Glendale, served as a bridge between the national UUA and local organizing work. The Unitarian Universalist Congregation at Shelter Rock provided travel support for those unable to get there themselves.

Months of preparation went into making the experience a meaningful and effective one. Local folks participated tirelessly in coalition work, figuring out what roles they could play in conjunction with others. Arrangements were made for housing, food, legal defense, meeting space, airport rides and coordinated T-shirts. A sophisticated communications program was developed that involved press releases, Facebook, texting alerts, Twitter, and YouTube. The UUA Moderator created a Facebook page calling people to go to Arizona. The UUA President announced at the GA that he was going to Phoenix for the Day of Non-Compliance and it was posted on the denomination’s website. There was a sign up for Phoenix on the Standing on the Side of Love website. The entire leadership of the denomination was focused on making this action come together.

Most Unitarian Universalists descended upon Phoenix two days before the day of action. The first evening, UU demonstrators watched the new film 9500 Liberty and talked afterwards with one of the documentary’s director/producers, Eric Byler. The next day was focused on orientation, which included analysis of the court ruling and why it was only a partial victory, background on the immigration crisis, training for civil disobedience and talking points for working with the media.

On July 28, Rev. Morales published a Huffington Post piece explaining “Why I’ll be in Phoenix,” which outlined the issues and the denomination’s commitment to protesting SB 1070.

Rocking the Protests

On the actual day of protest, the UUs rocked. Some began the day joining the 4:30 a.m. march to the interfaith service. The rest of the UU protestors began the day at the 6 a.m. interfaith service, in which Rev. Susan Frederick-Gray of the UU Congregation of Phoenix, played a central role and UU singers participated in the joint choir. The more than 200 UUs, some in clergy garb but most in their bright yellow shirts emblazoned with the Standing on the Side of Love logo, were visible in the service and then in the march down the street. Once groups convened downtown, around at 9 a.m., civil disobedience actions began in multiple locations. Although there was a fair amount of training and planning behind all the civil disobedience actions, it all looked a bit chaotic—except for the Unitarian Universalists.

The UUs were active in two locations. A large number claimed a major downtown intersection, where 23 of them grabbed hold of a giant flag saying Arizona Human Rights, stood in the middle of the street and refused to leave. Those who chose not to get arrested stood on the sidewalks nearby cheering them on. The group sang songs, repeated chants and offered a powerful witness to the city of Phoenix. Those on the sidelines snapped pictures, posted to Facebook, tweeted and got the word out far and wide. Participants were young and old, men and women, multi-racial. One UU wheelchair-bound protestor, Audrey Williams, came from California to join the witness. Hundreds of Phoenix police in full riot gear surrounded them. The police appeared to be using the event as a training exercise. Groups of 20 police officers would run from side to side. It took well over an hour before the police began to arrest the protestors.

A few blocks away, six other UU clergy, including Rev. Frederick-Gray and Rev. Morales, were arrested outside the Maricopa County jail, known as the 4th Street jail. Chaos reigned when Sheriff Joe Arpaio blocked off the street and protesters got swept into the jailhouse.

The UU engagement in Arizona made a significant impact. Following are seven lessons this experience offers for the faith community on effectively engaging and mobilizing people around the immigration crisis (or other social justice issues).

1) Engage leadership.

The UUA president made a personal commitment on the issue. He offered to go to Arizona. He issued an invitation to others. He agreed to get arrested. Denominational leaders are often overwhelmed with their responsibilities and commitments. And yet, their personal involvement in economic and social justice issues, on the ground, particularly in the midst of tough situations, can support and embolden local leadership and draw others into the work. Leading through action is always stronger than through words.

Equally important was the leadership of the local pastors in Phoenix, especially the terrific work of Rev. Susan Frederick-Gray and of the UUA’s moderator, Gini Courter, who came to Phoenix with members of the UUA Board.

2) Link to principles and history.

The UUs consistently linked the struggle in Arizona to their longstanding commitment to civil rights and their core principles. The UUs also linked the campaign to the denomination’s anti-racism initiative.

3) Assign staff and resources for planning.

The UU committed money and staff to the planning and preparation in Arizona. Presumably, the UUs are as cash-strapped as other denominations, and yet they committed resources to action and witness. As a result of the denomination’s commitment, contributions flowed to help with bail, legal defense, and additional outreach work.

4) Coordinate with local coalitions.

Often, the planning for large social action events, particularly ones involving planned civil disobedience, is a bit complicated, requiring lots of time, patience, and flexibility. The UUs developed their plans in collaboration and coordination with others on the ground. The UUs were particularly grateful for the work of Puente and the interfaith folks in Somos. This respectful approach is not always easy but leads to deep relationships long-term.

5) Be visual.

The UUs were very visual. Their yellow T-shirts could be seen blocks away. Their giant banner was a good media visual. And they chose a smart downtown street location that attracted attention.

6) Use social media.

The UU media team took advantage of the latest in social media. Participants posted on Facebook and YouTube. They tweeted. They took photos and videos. The mass text alerts told people where to go and kept folks abreast of breaking news.

7) Ask for personal engagement and sacrifice.

The UUA made a courageous and bold ask of supporters. People were asked to get to Phoenix in July and consider getting arrested. Approximately one-third of those arrested in Phoenix were UUs. Participants were blessed by the experience. Rev. David Miller from Solana Beach, California wrote in a blog post:

This week I have wept with sadness but also with great hope and joy. I feel this is a turning point for Unitarian Universalism. There we were, in our orange-ish yellow shirts, in mass, with the giant word “love” on our chests. Excuse the old marketing guy in me, but there it was, our brand, we were being called “the love people.” It was phenomenal to be a part of a coordinated effort of civil disobedience with Unitarian Universalists from every corner of this country. Lay people, ministers, administrators, association staff, all coming together. People from all over the association, linked arm in arm with brothers and sisters in the struggle and with our president leading the way, I was so proud. I was proud of our joint effort, our cooperation with local organizations and the visible power we had being there together. We were supporting each other as members of a faith, a faith steeped in the power of love to change hearts.


Just and comprehensive immigration reform is clearly the major civil rights issue for the foreseeable future. Twelve million workers and their families are struggling to survive in the toughest economic time in decades. Immigrant students without documents can’t further their education or fulfill their dreams. And too many native-born Americans, especially those in economic desperation themselves, blame immigrants—instead of the country’s failed immigration and economic policies—for our economic woes.

Given the significance of the immigration crisis, the religious community’s values around welcoming immigrants and the substantial role immigrants play in congregations throughout the nation, one would expect that denominations would be leading in every action around the nation. Unfortunately, the formal denominational leadership has not played the role it could and should. Luckily, the Unitarian Universalist Association offered an example in Arizona of what can and should occur. Let’s hope others will “go and do likewise."

Wednesday, August 25, 2010

Murdoch Published Imam Rauf's Book on Islam and America

Check out this revealing nugget at the end of Todd Gitlin's take on Cordoba Initiative leader Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf's book What’s Right with Islam is What’s Right with America (my emphasis):

The book closes with an appendix containing a fatwa issued by five Muslim clerics on September 27, 2001, at the request of the most senior Muslim chaplain in the American armed forces. Ending his book with a fatwa! Yes! Cunningly, it’s a “Fatwa Permitting U. S. Muslim Military Personnel to Participate in Afghanistan War Effort.”

What’s Right with Islam, by the way, was published by HarperSanFrancisco, which last I looked is owned by Rupert Murdoch.


So not only is the second-largest shareholder of Rupert Murdoch's News Corp. funding Imam Rauf's initiatives in the U.S., but Murdoch himself is responsible for publishing Rauf's theological and political writings.

The fact that conservatives haven't blasted Murdoch's links to Imam Rauf demonstrates the insincerity of their attacks on Imam Rauf and American Muslims. As Gitlin argues (and should be obvious from the book's title), Imam Rauf's book is in fact a celebration of the U.S. Constitution, an embrace of religious freedom and pluralism, and an outright rejection of radical fundamentalism.

Imam Rauf's critics -- like Rick Santorum who last night called him a jihadist -- attack him as being outside of the ideological mainstream of American political and religious thinking, but their claims are without merit. Indeed, the Bush and Obama administrations asked Imam Rauf to represent the United States to the Islamic world precisely because he believes that the United States form of government should be a model for Muslims across the world -- not the other way around.

Indeed, in many respects, Rauf's critics have more in common with the fundamentalist Muslims they claim to be fighting than they do with mainstream Americans -- including Imam Rauf. The critics are the problem. Not Imam Rauf.

Written by Jed Lewison | DailyKos.com

Tuesday, August 10, 2010

What is 'America'?

Whatever your opinion on immigration policy, it is essential to know – behind the headlines and the politics – exactly whom you are talking about: Kids like Yves Gomes, 17, of Maryland, who has been in this country since he was 1 ½ years old and is scheduled to be deported to India on Friday; or Gladys Martinez, from Mexico, who says that high school in this country changed her world.
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“I always listened and believed what my teachers told me,” Martinez writes on the web site We Are America. “That if I did well in school, doors and opportunities would open up for me.”

But that was not exactly so. Despite Gladys’ 4.1 grade point average, she is unable to continue her studies at college because of her status – undocumented.

Yves and Gladys (who is now fighting for passage of the Dream Act), are among dozens of immigrants whose stories are featured on the “We Are America,” a web site that aims to educate people about the human side of this complex issue through simple, powerful stories.

“Before you believe what you hear, do your own research. Get to know what you’re against,” says Rene, a Marine who served four years despite his lack of citizenship. “Immigrants are people.”

Monday, August 2, 2010

Cultural Extinction Looms Because of BP Oil

Houma Native Americans of south Louisiana face cultural extinction as the BP oil spill moves ever closer to their fragile cities and villages.

Written by David Hobbs
Louisiana Weekly, News Feature
Jul 20, 2010


DULAC, LOUISIANA — Some days the only people she serves are wayward journalists and well meaning volunteers come down to south Louisiana after the nation's worst oil spill. Some days not even the journalists or volunteers come. The locals have long since abandoned her restaurant.

In the early afternoon Lois Salinas, 69, owner and sole worker at Annie's Restaurant in Dulac, Louisiana sits alone on her back porch, which overlooks the swelling Grand Caillou Bayou (pronounced KAI-U). Ms. Salinas is a Houma Native American and her people have been fishing, working and living on Grand Caillou Bayou since before the Anglo or French speaking white man arrived. Now Salinas (or as she is known in her community, Ms. Lois) ponders the slow destruction of her culture.

"One thing that makes me sad is that my grandkids and great-grandkids won't have a chance to see this culture... one day it's all gonna be gone," Ms. Lois laments, staring fatalistically at the full Grand Caillou Bayou.

The dual processes of salt water intrusion into south Louisiana's coast line (happening ever since the Mississippi River was dammed in the early 1930s) and the BP oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico have destroyed or disabled much of the coastline and fishing lands of south Louisiana. Both of these developments have given many in south Louisiana a bleak outlook on the future.

Recently oil from BP's Deepwater Horizon leek has been sighted as close as 30 miles from Dulac. Given this proximity much of the area fishing has been closed. The loss of fishing traffic up and down Grand Caillou Bayou has meant a sharp decline in business for Ms. Lois.

Normally at this time of year scores of boats would pass Ms. Lois' restaurant on Grand Caillou Bayou going out into the wetlands and coast to fish and shrimp. Ms. Lois explains, "They used to stop and chat with me and order a hamburger or get a drink. Now, since the oil spill, there is very little boat traffic."

While all races and peoples of Dulac are affected by the BP oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico, the Houma Native Americans have been hit especially hard. It has only been since 1967 that the Houma people have been able to attend and complete high school with area Whites and African Americans. Because of this historic lack of education, poverty is endemic throughout much the Houma community. "Most Houma found it easier to work on a boat or in the oil and natural gas industry than to own their own boats or move up the corporate ladder," relates United Methodist Pastor Kirby Verret of Dulac, 63, a Houma Native American.

Up the road from Ms. Lois' restaurant a Native American mass is held at Holy Family Catholic Church. The service is a communal prayer for the coast and the lands traditionally inhabited by the Houma. Near the alter a Houma drum circle beats a rhythm while at the pulpit a Houma woman says 10 Hail Marys, 10 Our Fathers and then entreats God to protect their homeland and homewaters. Holy herbs are burnt and presented to the congregation. Dancers in Houma clothes dance. Catholic priests sermonize in English and French. (French is the language the Houma first adopted as a trade language and then — over time — as a native language.)

Back at Annie's Restaurant Ms. Lois says she and her family are lucky. She owns the restaurant which was handed down to her by her mother (her mother was named Annie, the namesake of Anne's Restaurant). "My children have good jobs and they like to come out and visit me. They like that I run my own business," Ms. Lois states, "but they don't want to do this job."

Representatives from the U.S. Small Business Administration have approached Ms. Lois and explained that she is eligible for a loan to help raise the height of her restaurant in order to protect it in case of floods, hurricanes and coastal erosion. Yet, Ms. Lois feels that without an heir to pass the restaurant on to, "...taking a 30 year (S.B.A.) loan makes no sense... I'm in good health as far as I know but who knows what the future holds?"

And who knows what the next hurricane might bring?

Millions of barrels of oil sit stagnant on the Gulf or have been pushed down to the seabed by dispersants. Were a storm or hurricane to come ashore anytime this summer low lying communities like Dulac will be at risk of oil contamination. Says Ms. Lois, "With a hurricane, you wash out, come back, rebuild... but with oil (contamination) it could take years to get it all cleaned up."

Oil contamination coming with a hurricane is the sum of all fears for the people of this bayou land. Still with faith and resolve the Houma people stay here unshaken. They reason, without this place where else can their culture survive?

David Hobbs is a contributing writer to The Louisiana Weekly and the Editorial Coordinator of the NOLA Beez. Photographs by David Hobbs. Copyright Louisiana Weekly 2010.

Monday, July 19, 2010

Creative Capitalism: "Sweat Shop" That Pays Living Wages


Factory Defies Sweatshop Label, But Can It Thrive?

From the New York Times, by Steven Greenhouse

VILLA ALTAGRACIA, Dominican Republic

Sitting in her tiny living room here, Santa Castillo beams about the new house that she and her husband are building directly behind the wooden shack where they now live.

The new home will be four times bigger, with two bedrooms and an indoor bathroom; the couple and their three children now share a windowless bedroom and rely on an outhouse two doors away.

Ms. Castillo had long dreamed of a bigger, sturdier house, but three months ago something happened that finally made it possible: she landed a job at one of the world’s most unusual garment factories. Industry experts say it is a pioneer in the developing world because it pays a “living wage” — in this case, three times the average pay of the country’s apparel workers — and allows workers to join a union without a fight.

“We never had the opportunity to make wages like this before,” says Ms. Castillo, a soft-spoken woman who earns $500 a month. “I feel blessed.”

The factory is a high-minded experiment, a response to appeals from myriad university officials and student activists that the garment industry stop using poverty-wage sweatshops. It has 120 employees and is owned by Knights Apparel, a privately held company based in Spartanburg, S.C., that is the leading supplier of college-logo apparel to American universities, according to the Collegiate Licensing Company.

For Knights, the factory is a risky proposition, even though it already has orders to make T-shirts and sweatshirts for bookstores at 400 American universities. The question is whether students, alumni and sports fans will be willing to pay $18 for the factory’s T-shirts — the same as premium brands like Nike and Adidas — to sustain the plant and its generous wages.

Joseph Bozich, the C.E.O. of Knights, is optimistic. “We’re hoping to prove that doing good can be good business, that they’re not mutually exclusive,” he says.

Not everyone is so confident. “It’s a noble effort, but it is an experiment,” says Andrew Jassin, an industry consultant who says “fair labor” garments face a limited market unless deft promotion can snare consumers’ attention — and conscience. “There are consumers who really care and will buy this apparel at a premium price,” he says, “and then there are those who say they care, but then just want value.”

Mr. Bozich says the plant’s T-shirts and sweats should command a premium because the company uses high-quality fabric, design and printing.

In the factory’s previous incarnation, a Korean-owned company, BJ&B, made baseball caps for Nike and Reebok before shutting it in 2007 and moving the operation to lower-wage countries. Today, the reborn factory is producing under a new label, Alta Gracia, named after this poverty-ridden town as well as the Virgin of Altagracia, revered as protector of the Dominicans. (Alta gracia translates to “exalted grace.”)

“This sometimes seems too good to be true,” says Jim Wilkerson, Duke University’s director of licensing and a leader of American universities’ fair-labor movement.

He said a few other apparel companies have tried to improve working conditions, like School House, which was founded by a 25-year-old Duke graduate and uses a factory in Sri Lanka. Worker advocates applaud these efforts, but many say Alta Gracia has gone further than others by embracing higher wages and unionization. A living wage is generally defined as the amount of money needed to adequately feed and shelter a family.

“What really counts is not what happens with this factory over the next six months,” Mr. Wilkerson says. “It’s what happens six years or 10 years from now. We want badly for this to live on.”

Santa Castillo agrees. She and many co-workers toiled at other factories for the minimum wage, currently $147 a month in this country’s free-trade zones, where most apparel factories are located. That amount, worker after worker lamented in interviews for this article, falls woefully short of supporting a family.

The Alta Gracia factory has pledged to pay employees nearly three and a half times the prevailing minimum wage, based on a study done by a workers’ rights group that calculated the living costs for a family of four in the Dominican Republic.

While some critics view the living wage as do-gooder mumbo-jumbo, Ms. Castillo views it as a godsend. In her years earning the minimum wage, she said she felt stuck on a treadmill — never able to advance, often borrowing to buy necessities.

“A lot of times there was only enough for my kids, and I’d go to bed hungry,” she says. “But now I have money to buy meat, oatmeal and milk.”

With higher wages, she says, her family can move up in the world. She is now able to borrow $1,000 to begin building her future home and feels able to fulfill her dreams of becoming a minister at her local evangelical church.

“I hope God will continue to bless the people who brought this factory to our community,” she says.

In many ways, the factory owes its existence to an incident a decade ago, when Joe Bozich was attending his son’s high school basketball game. His vision suddenly became blurred, and he could hardly make out his son on the court. A day later, he couldn’t read.

A doctor told him the only thing that would cause his vision to deteriorate so rapidly was a brain tumor.

So he went in for an M.R.I. “My doctor said, ‘The good news is you don’t have a brain tumor, but the bad news is you have multiple sclerosis,’ ” he says.

For three days, he couldn’t see. He worried that he would be relegated to a wheelchair and ventilator and wouldn’t be able to support his family. At the same time, a close friend and his brother died, and then one of his children began suffering from anxiety.

“I thought of people who were going through the same thing as my child and me,” Mr. Bozich recalls. “Fortunately, we had the resources for medical help, and I thought of all the families that didn’t.”

“I started thinking that I wanted to do something more important with my business than worry just about winning market share,” he adds. “That seemed kind of empty after what I’ve been through. I wanted to find a way to use my business to impact people that it touched on a daily basis.”

He regained his full vision after three weeks and says he hasn’t suffered any further attacks. Shortly after Mr. Bozich recovered, Knights Apparel set up a charity, weKAre, that supports a home for orphans and abused children. But he says he wanted to do more.

A national collegiate bodybuilding champion at Vanderbilt, Mr. Bozich was hired by Gold’s Gym after graduation and later founded a unit in the company that sold Gold’s apparel to outside retailers. Building on that experience, Mr. Bozich started Knights Apparel in 2000.

Still solidly built at 47, he has made apparel deals with scores of universities, enabling Knights to surpass Nike as the No. 1 college supplier. Under Mr. Bozich, Knights cooperates closely with the Worker Rights Consortium, a group of 186 universities that press factories making college-logo apparel to treat workers fairly.

Scott Nova, the consortium’s executive director, says Mr. Bozich seems far more committed than most other apparel executives to stamping out abuses — like failure to pay for overtime work. Knights contracts with 30 factories worldwide. At a meeting that the two men had in 2005 to address problems at a Philippines factory, Mr. Bozich floated the idea of opening a model factory.

Mr. Nova loved the idea. He was frustrated that most apparel factories worldwide still paid the minimum wage or only a fraction above — rarely enough to lift families out of poverty. (Minimum wages are 15 cents an hour in Bangladesh and around 85 cents in the Dominican Republic and many cities in China — the Alta Gracia factory pays $2.83 an hour.)

Mr. Bozich first considered opening a factory in Haiti, but was dissuaded by the country’s poor infrastructure. Mr. Nova urged him to consider this depressed community, hoping that he would employ some of the 1,200 people thrown out of work when the Korean-owned cap factory closed.

Mr. Bozich turned to a longtime industry executive, Donnie Hodge, a former executive with J. P. Stevens, Milliken and Gerber Childrenswear. Overseeing a $500,000 renovation of the factory, Mr. Hodge, now president of Knights, called for bright lighting, five sewing lines and pricey ergonomic chairs, which many seamstresses thought were for the managers.

“We could have given the community a check for $25,000 or $50,000 a year and felt good about that,” Mr. Hodge said. “But we wanted to make this a sustainable thing.”

The factory’s biggest hurdle is self-imposed: how to compete with other apparel makers when its wages are so much higher.

Mr. Bozich says the factory’s cost will be $4.80 a T-shirt, 80 cents or 20 percent more than if it paid minimum wage. Knights will absorb a lower-than-usual profit margin, he said, without asking retailers to pay more at wholesale.

“Obviously we’ll have a higher cost,” Mr. Bozich said. “But we’re pricing the product such that we’re not asking the retailer or the consumer to sacrifice in order to support it.”

Knights plans to sell the T’s for $8 wholesale, with most retailers marking them up to $18.

“We think it’s priced right and has a tremendous message, and it’s going to be marketed like crazy,” says Joel Friedman, vice president of general merchandise at Barnes & Noble College Booksellers. He says Barnes & Noble will at first have smaller-than-usual profit margins on the garments because it will spend heavily to promote them, through a Web campaign, large signs in its stores and other methods.

It helps to have many universities backing the project. Duke alone placed a $250,000 order and will run full-page ads in the campus newspaper, put postcards in student mailboxes and hang promotional signs on light poles. Barnes & Noble plans to have Alta Gracia’s T’s and sweats at bookstores on 180 campuses by September and at 350 this winter, while Follett, the other giant college bookstore operator, plans to sell the T’s on 85 campuses this fall.

Still, this new, unknown brand could face problems being sold alongside Nike and Adidas gear. “They have to brand this well — simply, clearly and elegantly — so college students can understand it very fast,” says Kellie A. McElhaney, a professor of corporate social responsibility at the University of California, Berkeley. “A lot of college students would much rather pay for a brand that shows workers are treated well.”

Nike and Adidas officials said their companies have sought to improve workers’ welfare through increased wages and by belonging to the Fair Labor Association, a monitoring group that seeks to end sweatshop conditions. A Nike spokesman said his company would “watch with interest” the Knights initiative.

To promote its gear, Knights is preparing a video to be shown at bookstores and a Web documentary, both highlighting the improvements in workers’ lives. The T-shirts will have hanging tags with pictures of Alta Gracia employees and the message “Your purchase will change our lives.” The tags will also contain an endorsement from the Worker Rights Consortium, which has never before backed a brand.

In a highly unusual move, United Students Against Sweatshops, a nationwide college group that often lambastes apparel factories, plans to distribute fliers at college bookstores urging freshmen to buy the Alta Gracia shirts.

“We’re going to do everything we can to promote this,” says Casey Sweeney, a leader of the group at Cornell. “It’s incredible that I can wear a Cornell hoodie knowing the workers who made it are being paid well and being respected.”

ONE such worker is Maritza Vargas. When BJ&B ran the factory, she was a stand-up-for-your-rights firebrand fighting for 20 union supporters who had been fired.

Student groups and the Worker Rights Consortium pressed Nike and other companies that used the factory to push BJ&B to recognize the union and rehire the fired workers. BJ&B relented. Today, Ms. Vargas is president of the union at the new plant and sings a very different tune. In interviews, she and other union leaders praised the Alta Gracia factory and said they would do their utmost to make it succeed and grow. Mireya Perez said the living wage would enable her to send her 16-year-old daughter to college, while Yolando Simon said she was able to pay off a $300 debt to a grocer.

At other factories, workers said, managers sometimes yelled or slapped them. Several said they were not allowed to go home when sick, and sometimes had to work past midnight after beginning at 7:30 a.m.

Comparing this factory with other ones, Ms. Vargas said, “the difference is heaven and earth.”